Ex-chief of Malaysian spy agency: Letter to CIA is not treason

Ex-chief of Malaysian spy agency: Letter to CIA is not treason

THE STAR/ASIA NEWS NETWORK

 Razak Ahmad

 Wednesday, Aug 01, 2018

Former director-general of Malaysian External Intelligence Organisation Datuk Hasanah Abdul Hamid.Photo: The Star/Asia News Network

KUALA LUMPUR - The former chief of Malaysia's espionage agency, Datuk Hasanah Abdul Hamid (pic), has come out in defence of her letter to the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), saying it is not an act of treason.

Her lawyer Datuk Shaharudin Ali, when asked by journalists about who might be responsible for leaking the letter, merely replied: "My client has given some instructions to me on this matter and I believe she will confer with the investigating officer in the next few days."

In a media statement released yesterday by Shaharudin, Hasanah urged the police to inves­tigate the culprits res­ponsible for the leak.

She said it was routine for Malaysian intelligence agency directors to exchange views and strengthen ties and trust, including with the CIA.

She added that following the leak, various arguments had surfaced claiming that the letter contained elements of potential treason, among other allegations.

"These views are wrong and ill-intentioned in order to satisfy the political des­ires of certain quarters," Hasanah said.

She was not present at the media conference held at Shaha­rudin's office here.

Shaharudin said Hasanah, who is the former head of the Malaysian External Intelligence Organisation (Meio), had lodged a report earlier yesterday on the leak, which he said fell under the Official Secrets Act.

Lawyer: Malaysian spy agency employs over 1,000 personnel worldwide

Hasanah said the letter had been analysed and studied by at least 10 senior Meio officers and that the findings were also based on information received by various Meio sources.

She said the leak had destroyed the trust foreign intelligence agencies had in Meio and jeopardised ties between the spy agency and its foreign counterparts.

"The morale of Meio officers and agents has also been affected by the leak.

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Malaysian spy agency has over 1,000 personnel worldwide

"If this could happen so easily, sources will cease (to work with Meio) and the trust in the sanctity of confidential information held by Meio will erode.

"This will weaken national security," Hasanah said in her statement.

Shaharudin was also asked if he knew whether Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak was notified about the letter before it was sent.

He said he was informed that while policy matters involving Meio must be made known to the prime minister and Cabinet, letters between intelligence agency heads exchanging views were part of routine operational matters, some of which did not require the prime minister or Cabinet to be informed in advance.

Ex-Puteri chief quits Umno

Ex-Puteri chief quits Umno, says party still in denial

Posted on 1 July 2018 - 11:47am
Last updated on 1 July 2018 - 02:11pm

G.Surach
newsdesk@thesundaily.com

Former Puteri Umno chief Datuk Mas Ermieyati — Sunpix by Shahrill Basri

PUTRAJAYA: Former Puteri Umno chief Datuk Mas Ermieyati Samsudin (pix) has become the latest casualty for the Malay party following her decision to leave the party and turn independent effective, today.

In a statement, today, Mas who is also Masjid Tanah MP said her decision to become an independent lawmaker was due to the lack of new faces being elected to spearhead the party.

"June 30 was supposed to be the date where all Umno members are set to determine a new direction for the party. However, (following the election results) we continue to see reaction, sentiment and the actual behaviour of Umno members that still points at a denial syndrome.

"The hope of seeing Umno members elect at least 70% of new, fresh and vibrant faces at various levels of the party did not happen," she said.

The former deputy Tourism and Culture Minister opined that the present leadership is refusing to accept that the people have rejected Umno.

"Instead they continue to believe that Umno has solely become the victim of the people's hate against former premier Datuk Seri Najib Abdul Razak. The 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) scandal has caused Malaysians to ridicule Umno," she said.

Questioning Umno's rehabilitation process, Mas said she honestly felt that the party has long deviated from its original purpose to point of being rejected by the Malay community.

"I joined Umno because it was the only party that the Malays depended on as a platform to bring up their struggles for their race and country harmoniously along with other races."

"Therefore, after serious consideration, it is time for me to step forward by focusing on my services as Masjid Tanah MP through parliamentary debates to safeguard the interest of my voters and ensure that their welfare and development are voiced out at the Dewan Rakyat," she said.

She said her decision to leave the party along with her supporters was made without any coercion or threats.

"As an Independent MP, I intend to play the check and balance role with the government by evaluating and questioning their decisions and policies.

"I hope as a former lawyer I will be able to give my best for Malaysians to ensure that the executive is constantly checked by an effective parliament," she added.

Mas' departure from the party leaves Umno with just 51 MPs. The Umno elections which was held yesterday was allegedly tainted with money politics.

In a statement by Women's Legal Council (Guamnita) chairman Azlinda Baroni, today, she claimed that the party elections was rigged with money politics.

"The rumours were that RM150,000 was distributed to each Umno division by candidate A while RM60,000 was distributed by candidate B during the party polls."

Mas Ermieyati keluar Umno

Mas Ermieyati keluar Umno

MUHAMMAD ZAKWAN NAZARALY

1 JULAI 2018

Mas Ermieyati - Foto Bernama

KUALA LUMPUR - Ahli Parlimen Masjid Tanah, Datuk Mas Ermieyati Samsudin mengumumkan keluar daripada Umno dan menjadi ahli parlimen bebas.

Menurutnya, keputusan itu dibuat selepas melihat reaksi, sentimen dan sikap sebenar ahli Umno yang masih dalam sindrom penafian termasuk harapan untuk melihat mereka memilih sekurang-kurangnya 70 peratus muka baru yang berwibawa dalam pemilihan Umno di pelbagai peringkat tidak kesampaian.

Malah, beliau turut percaya kepimpinan sedia ada masih enggan menerima kenyataan bahawa rakyat telah menolak Umno, sebaliknya mereka beranggapan parti hanyalah mangsa kebencian rakyat kepada Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak semata-mata.

“Pemulihan apakah ini yang mahu dilakukan Umno sekiranya virus masih di biar berleluasa dan ubat terlalu pahit untuk ditelan?

“Ikhlas saya katakan Umno kebelakangan ini telah tergelincir dari landasan asal hingga ditolak oleh bangsa Melayu sendiri,” katanya dalam satu kenyataan, hari ini.

Tindakan Mas Ermieyati itu juga menyaksikan kerusi BN berkurang kepada 51 kerusi selepas Ahli Parlimen Bukit Gantang, Datuk Syed Abu Hussin Hafiz Syed Abdul Fasal dan Ahli Parlimen Bagan Serai, Datuk Noor Azmi Ghazali turut mengumumkan keluar parti sebelum ini.

BN hanya mempunyai 54 kerusi yang dimenangi pada PRU14 9 Mei lalu selepas beberapa parti komponen keluar dari gabungan tersebut termasuk parti di Sarawak yang membentuk Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS).

Mengulas lanjut, kata Mas Ermieyati, beliau selepas ini mahu menjadi penegur dan penasihat kepada pihak kerajaan tanpa terikat dengan etika ahli parlimen yang mewakili sesebuah parti.

Beliau yang juga bekas Ketua Puteri Umno berkata, tindakan keluar parti itu juga membolehkan memberi fokus sepenuhnya sebagai Ahli Parlimen Masjid Tanah, berbahas serta berhujah di Parlimen demi menjaga hal ehwal kebajikan dan pembangunan yang sewajarnya untuk dinikmati oleh penduduk di kawasannya itu.

“Saya mahu melindungi hak-hak rakyat Malaysia sebagai ahli dewan yang efektif serta menjadi Ahli Dewan Rakyat yang bebas melangkaui sempadan keterbatasan sebagai ahli mana-mana parti yang pastinya mengikat di sana sini.

“‘Power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely’ dan berlandaskan latar belakang saya sebagai bekas peguam, saya berharap untuk membuat yang terbaik bagi rakyat Malaysia untuk memastikan badan eksekutif di pantau oleh Parlimen yang efektif,” katanya.

A New Umno-Pas pact

Sungai Kandis by-election heralds a new Umno-Pas pact

MOHD ISKANDAR IBRAHIM

New Straits Times
31 July 2018, 3:13 AM GMT

KLANG: The Sungai Kandis by-election is hoped to be the starting point of future joint endeavours between Umno and Pas in matters relating to Islam, Malays and Bumiputera communities.

Umno deputy president Datuk Seri Mohamad Hasan said cooperation or understanding between the two largest Malay parties would lead to a stronger voice in the country’s politics.

“Today, you see the Bumiputera rights being challenged, Mara to be dismantled and (its role) delegated to several ministries. This is an affront to our pride and dignity. We are becoming more and more divided. “But I am grateful that the Sungai Kandis by-election is serving as a point where a greater understanding between Umno and Pas is taking place. “Umno and Pas are the two largest Malay parties. If we can promote such similarities between the two, it will mean a lot to the country’s political landscape,”

Mohamad said in his speech at the Barisan Nasional campaign programme in Seri Andalas here last night. Also present were Umno vice-president Datuk Seri Mahdzir Khalid, party supreme council member Datuk Seri Tajuddin Abdul Rahman and Tanjung Karang member of Parliament Tan Sri Noh Omar.

Mohamad said he himself had met with Pas’s top leadership a number of times in efforts to promote cooperation.

“I had met them about three to four times and finally, after 60 years of rivalry (with Umno), Pas is saying that it is a must to oppose Pakatan Harapan and vote for Umno in the by-election. This is a (good) sign.

“I am confident that if there is a will among the Malays to attain our ambitions, we can do it. Let us forget about PH’s election manifesto since it is clear that it could not be implemented. Even if it can be implemented, the country’s economy will be adversely affected.”

He said a victory for BN would mean a victory for the Malay struggles.

“It will be a referendum over the people’s protest against PH’s unfulfilled manifesto.

Umno deputy president Datuk Seri Mohamad Hasan said cooperation or understanding between the two largest Malay parties would lead to a stronger voice in the country’s politics.

© New Straits Times Press (M) Bhd

Umno lawmaker demands AG explain dropping charges against Pakatan leaders

Umno lawmaker demands AG explain dropping charges against Pakatan leaders

Reena Raj

Malay Mail
31 July 2018, 5:35 AM GMT

Azalina said there appeared to be a ‘trend’ for the public prosecutor to drop the charges which she described as ‘worrisome’ for the possible adverse impact on public perception of the judiciary. ― Picture by Yusof Mat Isa

KUALA LUMPUR, July 31 ― Attorney-General Tommy Thomas must explain his decision to withdraw sedition and criminal charges against Pakatan Harapan (PH) leaders, Datuk Seri Azalina Othman Said said today.

In a critical statement, the Pengerang MP said there appeared to be a “trend” for the public prosecutor to drop the charges which she described as “worrisome” for the possible adverse impact on public perception of the judiciary.

“Even more worrisome is that the cases are of sedition, crime breach of trust information leak. Such decisions need a clear explanation because there is a concern that it may create a negative perception on the doctrine practice of separation of powers in the country,” the Umno lawmaker said.

The former de facto law minister did not specify the cases or the PH leaders she meant.

However, Azalina’s statement follows the acquittal of PKR’s Sungai Buloh MP R. Sivarasa, the same party’s former Padang Rengas MP N. Surendran and political cartoonist Zunar of sedition charges yesterday over remarks related to the previous Sodomy II prosecution of de facto PH leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim.

In Sivarasa’s case the deputy public prosecutor told the Sessions Court that the prosecutor had accepted a representation from the PKR lawmaker who is now deputy rural development minister. A separate judge in the Sessions Court freed Surendran and Zunar of sedition after another deputy public prosecutor said his office was withdrawing charges.

Azalina acknowledged that Article 145(3) of the Federal Constitution grants the AG absolute powers in preferring charges and his decision cannot be challenged in any court.

But she stressed on the observance of the rule of law and said the judicial arm of govenrment must be seen to be free from any form of meddling.

“The PH government needs to be extra careful with any action taken so that it does not create a negative perception towards the judiciary and legal body in the country,” she said.

A wet dream for Umno... or not

A wet dream for Umno... or not

IT'S JUST POLITICS

Sunday, 1 Jul 2018

by philip golingai

WITH Umno’s 50-something MPs, there is always a possibility that the party can use that sizeable number to make a deal to get itself back to Federal power.

On Monday, its then acting president Datuk Seri Dr Ahmad Zahid Hamidi gave that hope to Umno members when he said he was confident that the party would return to Putrajaya before GE15. He said the shaky Pakatan Harapan would collapse soon and Umno had the most number of MPs (54 in total, but so far two MPs have quit the party).

Zahid’s statement, according to Universiti Utara Malaysia political lecturer Prof Dr Mohd Azizuddin Mohd Sani was just rhetoric. “It was said within the context that he wanted to convince Umno members to support him to be party president,” he said.

Mohd Azizuddin does not think that the Pakatan Harapan government will implode.

“Looking at the broader context, the ruling government consists of four parties and there will be push and pull in the coalition. But as long as (Tun) Dr Mahathir Mohamad is there, I can’t see that there will be a split,” he said.

Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia Assoc Prof Dr Faisal S. Hazis does not think that Pakatan Harapan will implode in the near future either.

“Yes, Pakatan is quite fragmented but they have one common goal which is to remain in power and that interest will bind them,” he said. “You can see some struggle between leaders from Pakatan.”

For example, he said, PKR leaders made stinging remark against Regional Development Minister Rina Harun of Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (PPBM) for saying that the RM100mil allocated for villages throughout the country would only be distributed to states under Pakatan for now.

But that, Faisal said, was the manifestation of a post-Barisan Malaysia where politicians from the ruling government could be critical of their colleagues and peers.

“Mind you, Pakatan Harapan is new, it was set up just before GE14 whereas Barisan Nasional has existed for many decades. You will see many struggles happening within this ruling coalition,” he said.

Penang Institute political scientist Dr Wong Chin Huat did not mince his words when asked about Dr Ahmad Zahid’s statement.

“Zahid and Umno should stop their wet dream that they can get back to power before GE15 through Pakatan’s implosion. The internal difference within Pakatan is no deeper than that in Barisan,” he said.

“What kept Barisan together is the vastly unfair advantage of incumbency – which causes Barisan to disintegrate within two months after defeat. Now that Pakatan controls the winner-takes-all system, Umno will die in starvation of resources before it gets a second chance.”

However, there are potential minefields that Pakatan could step on that could result in them imploding or exploding.

Pakatan’s possible implosion, according to Wong, will not be due to ideological differences but the structural flow of the Barisan coalition model that the ruling coalition has copied.

The model does not allow healthy competition among coalition partners as constituencies are allocated to component parties on a near-permanent basis – those won would be kept by the winners in the next round.

“All this means tension will likely rise between allies and also between factions in parties eyeing for whatever winnable seats left. If such tension goes out of hand, then frictions may lead to implosion, but it would not kill Pakatan – if some MPs quit Pakatan, many others from Umno and Gabungan Parti Sarawak would be more than happy to replace them,” he said.

For Mohd Azizuddin, one of the biggest minefields for Pakatan is PKR de facto Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim’s ambition to be Prime Minister.

“If Anwar talks too much or is seen to be betraying Dr Mahathir, there might be a split in Pakatan. Anwar needs to allow Dr Mahathir to run the country and Dr Mahathir must think that there will be no challenge from Anwar for the PM post and also allow him to take over in two years,” he said.

Some, according to Mohd Azizuddin, see Anwar as a man in the hurry to be PM.

“He is already preparing himself to be the next PM. You can see how he is travelling around the world to meet with leaders. Anwar also has said that within four or five months, he wants a by-election so that he could contest and be an MP,” he said.

Anwar, who was DPM when Dr Mahathir was the fourth PM, is a factor to consider in terms of the stability of the Pakatan government, said Faisal.

“He plays an important role because you have two strong personalities within Pakatan. It won’t be a problem if you just have one, which is Dr Mahathir. But you have two big personalities representing two different political parties and they (Dr Mahathir and Anwar) have a long history (Dr Mahathir sacking Anwar as deputy Prime Minister and the sodomy and corruption charges) as well,” he said.

Anwar should stick to the script, according to Faisal.

“Initially when Anwar was just released from prison, he said he was going to relax and go around the world as he has many invitations overseas and he was not in the hurry to back to Parliament as the PM was Dr Mahathir. But later, Anwar said he might contest in a by-election soon,” he said.

Wong said he does not see the Dr Mahathir versus Anwar fight as certain as he does not subscribe to conspiracy theories.

“However, it will be possible if one: there is no clear transition plan that assures both Dr Mahathir and Anwar; and two: the overwhelming influx of Umno lawmakers into PPBM and PKR,” he said.

Pakatan Harapan has to tread carefully over the potential minefields, if not Umno’s wet dream of coming back in power might become a reality.

Saifuddin gives his reasons for leaving Umno

Saifuddin gives his reasons for leaving Umno

NATION

Sunday, 25 Oct 2015

by shahanaaz habib

Datuk Saifuddin Abdullah explains why he left Umno, after almost three decades in the party, to join PKR.
 

FORMER deputy Higher Education Minister Datuk Saifuddin Abdullah has always been seen as one of the moderate voices in Umno, speaking up on issues of concern even if it meant not toeing the party line.

Intelligent and soft-spoken, he is generally well-liked by urbanites who see his daring to be different as a breath of fresh air.

But some in Umno think his views are more in line with the Opposition.

He told reporters he was there in his capacity as the head of Akademi Belia, an NGO, and not as an Umno member.

However the Umno secretary-general Tengku Adnan Tengku Mansor wasn't buying that and slapped him with a show-cause letter, even as the Umno disciplinary board chairman Tan Sri Megat Najmuddin Megat Khas sprang to Saifuddin's defence, saying he did nothing wrong.

On Oct 2, Saifuddin sent two replies to the Umno Headquarters in response to the show-cause letter. Yet less than two weeks later, he ditched Umno for PKR and shortly after was appointed Pakatan Harapan's Chief Secretary.

In an interview with The Star, Saifuddin explains why he jumped parties.

Stressing that he has problems with the RM2.6bil political donation issue and the way the Government handled the 1MDB investigation, he says; "I am pro truth and justice. "

For him, Umno has moved from the centre to the right on issues and seems to lack clear leadership.

"It's like a drama without a script," he says.

He acknowledges there are good people in Umno and has no quarrel with friends in Umno who want to change the party from within.

"They should go on doing it. But for me because of the two scandals, I can't."

When exactly did you decide to leave Umno?

After the RM2.6bil political donation (to the Prime Minister's personal account) story (came out). Before that, I had misgivings about the way we handled 1MDB. But I gave the PM the benefit of doubt that 1MDB was and still is under investigations.

But when in a single day you drop the Deputy Prime Minister, a minister, the Attorney-General, transfer two MACC directors to the Prime Minister's Department, transfer the chief of the Special Branch and I started hearing that (Bank Negara governor) (Tan Sri) Zeti Akhtar Aziz was also being harassed - of course not by him (the PM) - but by others and I start thinking 'This is too much'.

When there was a clear indication that RM2.6bil was a 'donation' to his personal account I said 'That's it'.

I made the actual decision on Sept 23. To me, that was a very significant day because it was Wukuf day in Arafah (a day of reflection and prayers, an important ritual during the Haj).

If you decided on Sept 23 to leave Umno, why did you go through the whole drama of sending the two replies to their show cause letter. Were you messing with Umno?

Technically I was still an Umno member. I have to honour the letter from the secretary-general so I decided I must reply. It wasn't messing around.

Why did you not say anything then about leaving the party?

I made the decision with my family but I was not announcing it to public (yet).

How was it that when the announcement was made that you were joining PKR, they made you the Pakatan Harapan secretary?

They made me chief secretary of the Pakatan Harapan secretariat but that announcement came only later (Oct 19).

Do you mean that just in matter of days after joining PKR, you were made chief secretary of Pakatan Harapan?

I made the decision with my family on Sept 23 (to leave Umno) . Thereafter, there was the busy schedule of meeting the PKR president and deputy president and then the announcement was made on Oct 15.

When you attended the Defending the Malay Dignity Forum (on Sept 30), you told reporters who approached you that you were still with Umno.

I had not replied the show-cause letter yet at that time. So I told the reporters that I was waiting for inspiration.

But when you told the reporters that, had you had already made up your mind to leave Umno and were already negotiating with PKR and Pakatan?

Yes but I didn't know when the announcement would be made.

But doesn't that show bad faith and a lack of sincerity on your part?

No. I thought I was being honest to myself . Yes I made a decision to leave but I had not made an announcement so technically I was still an Umno member so I had to honour the secretary-general's letter.

Did you even feel remotely bad about Umno disciplinary board chairman coming out to defend you saying there was no need for action to be taken against you, but we can see during that time you were going behind Umno's back and negotiating with PKR and Pakatan, looking for a way to exit Umno and enter their party?

Well, you have to do certain things in a certain ways. So long as I had not announced it I was technically a member of the party. I have a lot of respect for (disciplinary board chairman) Tan Sri Megat (Najumuddin) but my negotiation is my negotiation.

Umno is facing hard times. So when the going got tough, you just gave up and left?

No! It's not about leaving Umno. Umno left the centre!

I have always been a centrist. I have always believed in moderation. Umno is by constitution a moderate party. It is a centrist party. It is a racialist but not a racist party. But of late unfortunately, Umno seems to be moving more towards the right.

I don't want to use the term that Umno has become a racist party but some of the pronouncements made by the president and top leadership of Umno seem to show that they condone or they do not object (to it). Even if they do not condone it, they do not seem to be objecting to heightened racism within certain sectors, including from Umno members. That, to me, is unfortunate.

What happened to changing the party from within?

I believe change can happen everywhere. And I believe while I was in Umno I wanted to change Umno from within. Remember there was the Malaysiakini interview where I said that Umno members should stay with Datuk Seri Najib (Tun Razak)? I got flak for that, including from some Umno members because they thought he was becoming a liability. But during that moment in time I still gave him the benefit of doubt over the 1MDB issue. At that time the RM2.6bil had yet to be acknowledged as a donation that went into his personal account.

I believe that Umno can reform from within. If you ask me today 'Yes, my friends who believe in reforming Umno from within should go on doing it'. I won't quarrel with them who say that Umno should be reformed from within.

The only thing for me is that I can't take the two scandals.

I can argue on the fact that reform is very slow or at times there is a flip-flopping (of policies) like what happened with the Sedition Act.

Although that was very difficult and bitter to swallow, I still can do it.

Because even though I was not very happy with the Sedition Act remaining, I can still say 'Okay maybe after the Harmony Act (is legislated) slowly over time that Act will prevail over and above the Sedition Act'. I can still argue that way.

But the way in which we handled the 1MDB investigation and the RM2.6bil donation, that was the turning point. I didn't have any argument to defend it.

I am a debater.

As a debater, I can accept bad argumentation that go all over the place or beat around the bush.

But when you transgress into the investigation of the 1MDB and when MACC law clearly states that donation equals to corruption, I can't take it.

When you are upset with one person namely the leader of the party, why turn your back on the whole party?

Just look at the leaders in the party and the statements they made about so many things including 1MDB and the RM2.6bil. Frankly, it's laughable.

On the RM2.6bil, first one minister said 'no such thing', then another said something else, then another something else. Then they say it is a trust fund. These are Umno supreme council members.

We have seen what (former Umno president and ex-PM Tun) Dr Mahathir (Mohamad) wrote in his blog about the (party's) trust fund. It is not in his (the president's) personal account and it is taken care of by him and two other persons. But here, even the deputy president was asking questions (about the RM2.6bil) and was not in the loop.

And look at the way we handled the statement of the ambassador of China (who visited Petaling Street after the Red Shirt rally). Three ministers and one deputy minister were making all sorts of statements.

When had we had such a situation (in the past)?

Not during Dr Mahathir's time! Even at the height of the crisis between Dr Mahathir and (Datuk Seri) Anwar (Ibrahim). After he was sacked by Mahathir, the Umno supreme council and the cabinet were intact in the way they replied to queries and answered to questions.

But this time around, you don't (even) know if there is a clear leadership at the top or if it's like a drama without a script.

Despite all this, some may feel they can still improve things in Umno, I never said 'No' to that. Please go on doing it.

But someone like me can't. And I have to do it with another party.

If you were not happy with the party, why could you not just leave the party and be an NGO man so your views will be respected by both sides?

Well I am still a politician so I have to decide to join another party.

You lost as the Temerloh MP in the last general election and you lost in the Umno elections in your division. Some say your political career is finished in Umno, so are you jumping parties in hope for a political revival?

There were many factors as to why I lost in Temerloh during GE13.

The research done by UMCEDEL (University Malaya Centre for Democracy and Elections) showed that the main reason was because people were voting for the party and not the candidate.

Secondly, I lost the deputy head of Temerloh Umno by 40 votes in a three-cornered fight. Again there were many factors.

In Umno, if you are no longer an MP or you don't have any governmental position, your position in the party is always at stake. I also think, to a certain extent, I lost because I was not willing to do what some people were willing to do, including (engage in) money politics. Now if I were to merajuk (sulk) I would have left Umno there and then but I didn't. I stayed.

When I was an MP and a deputy minister and a member of the supreme council, I told the Prime Minister and spoke in the supreme council once that we need to prepare in a certain improved way facing GE13 and that we couldn't repeat the way we went into GE12 (the 2008 general election) where we had almost everyone running for elections to the extent that you didn't really have someone at the HQ looking after the command centre.

So I said if the president should decide to establish an Election Command Centre, the group involved or leading it must be free from his or her personal campaign, meaning he or she must be prepared not to stand in elections.

And I said if you think I can be of assistance in this matter, I am prepared not to stand for election.

I haven't said this to the PKR people yet, but I am prepared to tell them the same thing. That if we need to form a real Command Centre for Pakatan Harapan to win GE14 and if they think the Command Centre must be free from individuals who are also busy looking at which constituency they want to contest and all that, and if they think I can do it and because of that, I can't stand in the next general election, then I am prepared to do that.

You were doing so well as the head of the Global Movement of Moderates (GMM). Was that not enough?

No. I am a politician. I want the Opposition to win GE14. I can't do that as the CEO of GMM.

How hard is it for you to turn your back on a party which you have been an active member since 1986 ? You would now have to condemn a party that used to be in your blood.

I don't think "hard" is the word. I think "strategic" would be more appropriate.

I have never played the condemning game. I have tried to distance myself from gutter politics and character assassination. So yes, I have turned my back against my old party but I suppose I can still maintain the way I have been doing things in the past. It is about healthy competition.

I think we should maintain a healthier way of doing politics.

What happened to that NGO that you were supposed to join with Datuk Seri Nazir Razak? Is that still on?

I informed Nazir that I was joining PKR and he perfectly understands my reason and rationale. The NGO is really up to him.

Did you tell him before making the announcement to join PKR and what was his response?

I told him as a friend face-to-face before the announcement. Just like my family, I also told some very close friends. I didn't ask him if he was surprised. I think he understands why I made that decision.

When the announcement was made, what was the strangest message or feedback that you got?

I got a lot of positive SMS and WhatsApp messages, mainly from family members like my wife's cousins, our nephews and nieces. We have a big family and their congratulatory remarks were really a pleasant surprise. We've always had good interaction and visit each other during Hari Raya, and once in a while we go out and enjoy makan together. But now I know that they have always been PKR or PAS members. They never told me before, so that was really unexpected. Many more among my close friends, distant relatives, not-so-close friends and people I know congratulated me, that was a pleasant surprise.

You stood out in Umno and Barisan Nasional because you were one of the rare moderate voices, vocal and bold enough to give dissenting views. But now you are going to be just another Opposition member.

I am okay with that. We complement each other. Perhaps that would strengthen my own conviction and idealism. I believe in that kind of atmosphere. You know the old Malay saying that you kawan dengan orang baik you jadi orang baik (you become like the people you fraternise with).

Are you sure you don't have blinkered view of the Opposition because they have their own squabbles within. You saw what happened to people like Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim, respected academic Dr Chandra Muzaffar and Datuk Zaid Ibrahim. Are you going in with your eyes open?

I've seen it all. First of all, it is very difficult to find any political party in the world without internal bickering.

I've learnt from experiences with my friends in the past. For now, I can't say much because I've been with this party for just a week. I am still learning. It's a steep learning curve and I have to learn very fast.

What do you think of your ex-Umno colleagues comments that your departure from the party makes no difference and some were not surprised at your jumping because of your 'Opposition' mindset anyway?

When they said they were not surprised because they see me as pro-Opposition - that is the problem.

I joined politics for a higher objective based on my understanding, my own intention and idealism.

All this while I have been consistent in saying whatever I want to say and writing whatever I want to write and standing up to issues as I see fit, though I understand at times I cannot say much - because I understand to a certain level that is what party discipline is all about.

But if it is in stark contradiction to my own conviction and understanding, then I have to stand up.

But they don't see it that way. They see that Umno has to be a certain way. The problem is sometimes what some of my friends in Umno believe is not really the best thing for Umno, or the best thing for the Malays or the best thing for the country. That is their standpoint. I am okay with that. And because of that, they say I am pro-Opposition! But I am actually pro truth and justice. That has always been my style.

If you look at some of my colleagues who have been named together with me as the reformists in Umno, either they have been silent or they have not made such kind of remarks. I don't hear Khairy Jamaluddin, (Datuk) Rahman Dahlan or (Datuk) Nur Jazlan making that kind of remarks. These are three Umno leaders that I believe that can still make a difference within Umno.

Nur Jazlan did say that you are not a true Umno man because you threw in the towel because you didn't want to change the party from within?

I don't mind. To me that's understandable.

But some Umno members said good riddance and you were a thorn in the flesh?

That's normal. What can I say? How do I reply to such comments?

Did it hurt you?

Not at all. I am used to it. I have been getting that kind of flak all this while.

Academics have said your entry into PKR will have no impact to the country's political landscape because you are not an iconic figure.

I have never considered myself iconic in the first place. I have always positioned myself as just another player. The only problem is that within Umno, it is very difficult to play the game. But I seem to be very warmly welcomed - at least for now - by PKR and Pakatan Harapan. The secretary-general of PAS (Datuk) Takiyuddin (Hassan) too made a warm welcome statement.

Have your ex-colleagues in Umno been in touch with you since you made the announcement?

I bumped into one or two and they wished me good luck in a good manner and I know that they are sincere.

So now your desire would be to see the downfall of Umno in the general election?

Let's be very clear about two things here.

Come GE14, we need to have a change of guard in Putrajaya. No one knows what's going to happen. A new government in Putrajaya can come in two forms.

Today's opposition, Pakatan Harapan, could be government.

Or it could be a 'Pakatan Harapan Plus Plus' government - a third kind of coalition.

You cannot deny the fact that there are good Umno people.

Should there be a hung parliament, there is always the possibility there could be 'Pakatan Harapan Plus' coalition with the 'Plus' coming from Barisan Nasional. It could be individuals. It could be coming from a party or one or two parties. We have to be very open about the outcome of GE14. We never know.

It is more important that the next government must be made up of a new political configuration.

We cannot continue with the current configuration used by Barisan which is 'Consociationalism'. Consociationalism is basically communal- or race-based, where you bargain according to race and then you divide your work when you become government, also according to race. Umno takes care of the Malays, MIC takes care of the Indians, MCA and Gerakan take care of the Chinese. We can't go on doing that.

There must be a new configuration which in political science is called 'Centripetalism' which is multi-racial, moderate and centrist.

The main difference would be a true multi-cultural base, so you don't bargain according to race but you bargain according to real needs rather than race.

And you don't divide work according to race but you divide work according to expertise. That to me is the real challenge.

If you were face to face with PM Datuk Seri Najib right now, what would you say to him?

I will tell him; 'Yang amat berhormat, whatever I am saying today is nothing new to you. You know it.'

The Assassination of Shaykh Ramadan al-Bouti- Shaykh Muhammad al-Ninowy

Reflections on the assassination of Shaykh Ramadan al-Bouti from Shaykh Muhammad al-Ninowy!

BY LAMPPOST1

ON MARCH 24, 2013 ARTICLES

“Yesterday we heard about the martyrdom of our Shaykh and Ustadh, Sayyidi Al-Allama Muhammad Sa’id Al-Buti, may Allah Ta’ala accept him among the Shuhada in the highest levels of Jannah. Amin.

He was martyred by a suicide bomber right in his Masjid where he lectured for decades now, coincidently named: Masjid Al-Iman. He was martyred in the middle of his regular Qur’anic Tafsir Halaqah. But neither the sanctity of the House of Allah nor the Book of Allah mattered to those extremists who eagerly wanted to silence him, and when they failed to academically, textually, spiritually, and humanly refute him, then instead of accepting the difference in views, felt the need to blow him up and shatter his honorable body into pieces, and shed his honorable blood to mix with the pages of the Holy Book he was teaching with the Holy Masjid soil and the multitudes of Angles filling everything in between.

Silent no more should we be to violent extremism and to the ideology of bloodshed to settle differences. We have been screaming for decades now, that extremism, violence and intolerance is a satanic book not a sacred book. It is an evil mixed with a sick neo-Jahili, neo-Khariji, and maybe psychological complexes, but sanitized by shiny religious rhetoric. Extremism, violence, and intolerance which leads to intellectual terrorism followed by actual terrorism is not, despite its claim, connected to the Book or Sunnah. Nothing will stop intellectual terrorists from carrying out terrorism, not the Book, nor the Sunnah, nor any sound logic, or any human value for that.

The Ummah needs to go back to the Qur’an and Sunnah and their unconditional compassion, tolerance, and freedom.

Fighting for freedom does not mean in anyway killing those who peacefully speak their view and understanding of the Book and Sunnah.

This old Shaykh, who did not only do Tarbiyah of the nowadays preachers and scholars, but did Tarbiyah of an Ummah. Tarbiyah is not just teaching and transmitting knowledge. But even in that field, you can hardly see one Sunni preacher or scholar in the past 30 or so years who was not academically or spiritually influenced by Shaykh Muhammad Sa’id, if not a student of his in one way or another.

This is pretty much throughout the Muslim world. The Ash’ari of the time and the Ghazzali of the Era, were not inflammatory titles, like many nowadays, but a closer examination of a profound scholarship and an encyclopedic knowledge that a lot of scholars felt towards Shaykh Muhammad Sa’id, Rahimahu’Allahu Ta’ala. A Mutakallem of the highest caliber, a fine Usuli rare to come by, a Sufi of the pious predecessor’s style who feared the big claims/titles and entourages of the nowadays Sufi claimers, a Faqeeh of vast knowledge that made him tolerate differences and understand other views, and a human being who feared shedding blood and afforded every human being regardless of background with dignity and respect.

He spent most of his 84 years of life defending Islam and its Messenger, sallallahu alayhi wa aalihi wa sallam, articulating the Islamic principles, spreading the Sunnah, and refuting those who slandered Islam and its facts. An ocean of knowledge, humility, and spirituality that unconditionally gave without anticipation of recognition by others, nor did he seek to build a personal empire of name and fame, but consistently tried to avoid that at any cost all the time.

But all that was not enough for some to spare him from vile slander, intellectual terrorism, followed by blowing up a bomb in the Masjid during a Qur’anic Tafsir session.

Freedom to some means enslavement to different set of masters only. Sunnah means the understanding of their Shuyukh only, irrespective of the actual state of the sacred Texts, and justice means slandering, inciting hate and violence, naturally followed by killing all those who dare to disagree.

This pattern isn’t new in our history. Sanitizing political crimes with religious rhetoric is something we saw from most if not all non-righteous political rulers or periods in our “Islamic” History. Intolerance followed by intellectually terrorizing the opponent through slandering and demonization, both of which pave the way to actually carry out violence and terrorism acts.

To make it all worse, such violence and terrorism acts had to be sanitized by religious rhetoric to twist evil acts in a very sick way into “righteous” ones. Such pattern was not limited to ruling governments at that time only, but some radical religious groups from all sects carried out many acts of intellectual terrorism and actual acts of terror, all in the name of the religion. The target was never the perceived enemy of Muslims at that time, not that such a deed would be endorsed.

Their target was not the tyrants who ruled the Muslim world for centuries, nor the oppressors who became more or less like Pharaohs’ on earth, but their target was always the Muslim scholars who disagree with them. Their true enemy is not atheism, blasphemy (Kufr), unjust rulers, or oppressors. But their enemy is all Muslims who disagree with them in understanding the texts of the Book and Authentic Sunnah.
This kind of extremism in the new age is not limited to one sect versus another, and it is very much alive and well today. It replaced the Qur’an and Authentic Sunnah’s texts as a reference and a standard, to their own figures statements and understandings. The Divine texts are inclusive and contain unconditional compassion and mercy, but human statements seem to lack that infinite and unconditional compassion, love and mercy.

Shaykh Muhammad Sa’id was not infallible, for the last infallible in our belief is Sayyiduna Rasoolul’Allah, sallallahu alayhi wa aalihi wa sallam, but he never taught that unity meant conformity. He always mentioned that it is okay to look at one thing (revealed text) and see it in two different ways. “Tafkir” instead of “Takfir” was always a foundation for the honorable Shaykh to articulate the differences with others.

Today, with the microphones (literally and metaphorically) and platforms being limited to certain views only, big titles and grand claims being custom made and marketed, and more ideological walls of hate erected under the banner of love, the world is undergoing rapid radicalization. This is not limited to Muslims with their various sects only.

There is an urgent need for all groups and sects to revive “self-criticism”, stand corrected, and return to the encompassing mercy and the fountain of love in the Qur’an and Authentic Sunnah. It is important NOT to erect idols of people we love and adore whether they’ve passed or still alive, and similarly it is important NOT to erect idols of a limited, non-definitive, and subjective understanding of the Sacred Texts. An understanding of the Sacred Texts or scriptures that lacks unconditional compassion is illegitimate, textually and logically. I guess before all, we need to re-instate the urgent need to unite around the texts of the Qur’an and authentic Sunnah, for it seems as this very fundamental principal is in jeopardy.

Sayyiduna Muhammad, sallallahu alayhi wa aalihi wa sallam, emerged as the Arabic voice denouncing the old Arab ways, enduring extreme persecution from his own people. But by endangering himself, he gave us all one of the most precious monotheistic gifts: the duty of collective self-criticism. Speaking the truth though it be against yourself. Today, if we do not revive this concept, we will risk a profound cultish mentality and behavior taking over our youth from Jakarta to Morocco and everything in between.

The challenge we face in our time is not as much the Sufi-Salafi debate, not even the Sunni-Shi’i irreconcilable differences, but actually more along the line of silent but progressive withdraw out of religiosity as a whole. Islam came to give people life. All people. Regardless of background. Islam did not come to take life away from people. Islam came to offer all people hope, growth and opportunity, regardless whether people believed in it or not.

But Shaykh Muhammad Sa’id was ahead of his time in that. Read, if you will, “Kubra Al-Yaqiniyyat Al-Kawniyyah”, and read if you will “ Fiqh-u-Seerah”, and read and read and read…they are not books compiled by “copy and paste” from here and there, but actual masterpieces of thought and thought provoking analysis that not many profound scholars cannot begin to construct. Those very books kept many young people within the folds of Islam, and this is a fact.

“Kubral Yaqiniyyat” cleared many doubts many university students had about Allah Ta’ala, His Existence, and Unique Attributes.

“Fiqh-u-Sunnah” re-affirmed the faith in the Prophet, sallallahu alayhi wa aalihi wa sallam, in many minds where doubt seeped in due to incomplete or partial understanding. The list goes on. Our scholars, not just our “preachers”, along with the youths are the most valuable asset of this Ummah. None of them is perfect by themselves, but when they are united they become close to it.

The Ummah has lots of preachers but not many scholars today, and the youths have a duty to search for the truth wherever it is, question truths offered to them, and check and reference every statement against the Qur’anic and Sunnah texts. Then disagree if so it is in understandings, but observe the Qur’an and Sunnah’s ethics of disagreements when doing so. Let the minds fight, but keep the hearts in love. The youths have a right to understand that Islamic knowledge is not only information, but transformation.

Transformation was the state of Shaykh Muhammad Sa’id Al-Buti. He transformed himself first, and transformed those around him. A Sufi without a name, but in reality, a Salafi without a label, but in thought, an Ash’ari without rigidness, and a Shafi’i without self-righteousness. The Dunya came to him many many times, but he did not want to have lots of shoes walking behind him, and was not interested in the hunger for “titles” and the position mania. Jealousy and envy was distanced from him as his position in knowledge and practice, along with his harsh asceticism made him far away from the claimers.

The chairs in his home were the very old wooden chairs that Syrians used to have in the 60’s, he did not change them. So was the desk, and the simple furniture that’s dates decades back. Ministry and cabinet level positions came begging him, but ran away from it all. Lately, a concerted campaign to smear and slander him for a position he has always held so profoundly, ended up as a cleansing process for him preparing him for something purer and greater.

Yet despite all the oceans of slander and hate-incitements, he kept praying for those who disagreed with him, tried to find excuses for them, and asked them to come and talk, not to use violence to express themselves. There is no doubt that the corrupted and oppressive regime in Syria used the principals of Shaykh Al-Buti to its benefit in the past and presence. But the Shaykh was always giving all sides his wisdom, and was not one sided.

Unlike the popular propaganda, Shaykh Al Buti did not endorse the oppression of the regime, but stood firmly against armed rebellion and raging violence that is not only unsubstantiated textually, but leads to the destruction of humans and lands. He profoundly believed that violence to change a political situation or a sitting ruler constitutes a greater evil and is impressible. His position does not come from emptiness, despite the powerful media campaigns nowadays that suggests otherwise.

This is a classical understanding held by many of our traditional scholars of Ahlus Sunnah wal Jama’a starting from examples that had to deal with Al-Hajjaj and before and after. Irrespective of what the academic conclusion of the “permissibility of violence to change a political circumstance”, this should have been an academic difference, to say the least.

The greatest tragedy in Syria today is not just turning a beautiful country into shambles, but the people and forces that are pushing so hard to destroy the actual humanity inside the human being, to rob the soul out of people conscious, and to eradicate any human values, mercy, or compassion left. The walls of hate that are being erected under the banner of love, the planting of a hate ideology that those who disagree with you have no place in life, and that hope is only extended to those you like.
The situation in Syria specially and in other Muslim places has just plunged into a deep dark hole, with a promise for more killings and more violence and more evil to come.

Please pray for peace to be restored to Syria, all the Muslims, and all human beings all over the world. Pray for mercy to be on all those who lost in their lives in this mad chaos and unfathomable violence, pray for the destitute and refugees that are in the millions today, pray for all afflicted human beings to be saved and granted ease. Pray that Allah Ta’ala saves people, all people, from more bloodshed and misery.

As for our Shaykh, may Allah Ta’ala forgive him, bless him, accept him among the martyrs, and grant him the highest levels in Jannatul Firdaws. Amin.”.

Shaykh Muhammad al-Ninowy

Sheikh Mohammed Saeed Ramadan al-Bouti

Sheikh al-Bouti, the Syrian Sunni cleric who stood by Assad

Sheikh Mohammed Saeed Ramadan al-Bouti was killed at the age of 84 in a suicide bombing that targeted a mosque in Damascus. (AFP)

Al Arabiya Friday, 22 March 2013

While most of the Muslim Sunnis in Syria have risen up against the regime of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, a prominent Sunni Muslim scholar took a different route by supporting the Syrian regime.

On Thursday, that man — Sheikh Mohammed Saeed Ramadan al-Bouti — was killed at the age of 84 in a suicide bombing that targeted a mosque in Damascus.

Al- Bouti held weekly sermons at the historic Ummayyad Mosque and in recent months, Syrian TV has carried his weekly addresses live. Bouti also had a regular religious TV program.

The sheikh belongs to a Kurdish tribe that is spread across Syria, Iraq and Turkey. He was born on the Boutan Island of Turkey in 1929 and headed to Syria with his father at the age of four. Once a little older he went on to study religion in Damascus

Al-Bouti started his career teaching at a secondary school in Homs in 1958 and 1961, he was appointed as part of the Shariah faculty at Damascus University.

In 1965, Bouti moved to Egypt where he received a doctorate in Sharia law at al-Azhar University. He headed back to Syria, and where he was once a faculty member, he progressed into the respected position of vice dean at the College of Islamic Law at Damascus University in 1975 and in 1977 became dean.

Bouti then retired but continued to lecture and write about Islamic affairs. He has authored more than 60 books and was a prominent religious reference in the Muslim world, holding the presidency of the Scholars Union for the Levant region.

Bouti was a vocal supporter of the Syrian regime since the early days of Assad’s father and predecessor, the late President Hafez Assad.

Following the outbreak of the Syrian revolution in March 2011, Bouti criticized anti-regime protests and urged demonstrators not to follow “calls of unknown sources that want to exploit mosques to incite seditions and chaos in Syria.”

He said “most of the protesters do not pray” and criticized prominent Egyptian scholar Yusuf al-Qaradawi for playing “demagoguery that opens the door of sedition.” Qaradawi has supported revolutions in several Arab Spring countries. But despite his open support for Assad, al-Bouti was reported to have issued a Fatwa, or a religious edict prohibiting the killing of protesters.

In a recent study of the top 500 influential Muslim scholars in the Islamic world by the Jordan-based Royal Islamic Strategic Studies Centre, al-Bouti, came in 27th place.

A Facebook page that claims to represent Bouti has 46,387 “likes.”

Muawiyah Ibn Abu Sufyan: Death

Death

Muhammad bin Uqbah said that when death approached, Muawiyah said, "I wish I were an ordinary man from the Quraish living in Dhu Tuwa and that I had never been invested with authority as caliph"[86]

Muhammad bin Seereen said, "When Muawiyah was on the brink of death, he began to mark out the floor. Then he turned his face and marked out another spot on the floor, after which he started to cry and say:

"O Allah! Indeed, You said in Your Book "Verily, Allah forgives not that partners should be set up with Him (in worship), but He forgives everything else to whom He wills" [an-Nisa 4:48] Therefore, O Allah, make me amongst those You will forgive".[86]

Al-Utbi narrated from his father that when Muawiya was dying, he quoted the following verses to those present (in at-Taweel poetry): "Death is inevitable because of what we are; consciousness of what lies after death is much more awful and lurid".

Then, he said: "O Allah! Reduce my lapses, pardon the shortcomings and overlook my ignorance, for You are All Forgiving. My mistakes are all my own and not attributable to You; only You can forgive me and grant me refuge"[87]

It is reported that he passed out and once he regained consciousness, he said to his family, "Fear Allah, for verily He safeguards whoever shows regard for something for His sake and He does not safeguard whoever shows a disregard for something for His sake" and upon uttering this he died.[87]

Robert Payne quotes Muawiyah in History of Islam as telling his son Yazid to defeat Hussein, who was surely preparing an army against him, but to deal with him gently thereafter, as Hussein was a descendent of Muhammad but to deal with Abdullah al-Zubair swiftly, as Muawiyah feared him the most.[88]

Muawiyah died on 26 April 680.[89]

Muawiya used to bring water to Muhammad, and it was in the course of that service that he received the shirt in which he was buried.[87][90] He said, "I used to bring wudu water to the Messenger of Allah, may Allah bless him and grant him peace. He said "Shall I not clothe you in a shirt? I said, "Yes indeed, by my father and mother! So he removed the shirt he had on and clothed me in it".[90] He kept that shirt for his burial.[87][90]

Legacy

By his creation of a fleet, Muawiyah was the driving force of the Muslim effort against Byzantium. His navy challenged the Byzantine navy and raided the Byzantine islands and coasts at will. The shocking defeat of the imperial fleet by the young Muslim navy at the Battle of the Masts in 655 was a critical turning point. It opened up the Mediterranean, considered a "Roman lake", and began a centuries-long series of naval conflicts over the control of the Mediterranean. This also allowed the expansion of the state into north Africa and Spain.[91][92] Trade between the Muslim eastern and southern shores and the Christian northern shores almost ceased during this period, isolating western Europe from developments in the Muslim world: "In antiquity, and again in the high Middle Ages, the voyage from Italy to Alexandria was a commonplace; in early Islamic times the two countries were so remote that even the most basic information was unknown"[93] Muawiyah also initiated the first large-scale raids into Anatolia from 641 on.[94][95]

Muawiyah greatly beautified Damascus, and developed a court to rival that of Constantinople. He expanded the frontiers of the empire, reaching the very gates of Constantinople at one point, though the Byzantines drove him back and he was unable to hold any territory in Anatolia.

Muawiyah had a personal library collection (bayt al-hikmah)[96] that was enlarged by his successors "throughout the Umayyad period.… This first major library outside of a mosque was known to include works on astrology, medicine, chemistry, military science, and various practical arts and applied sciences in addition to religion."[96]

Virtues

Muawiyah had a few rare virtues. He was politically adept in dealing with the eastern Roman Empire and was therefore made into a secretary by Muhammad.[97][98] Once peace was established, Muawiya reconciled many of the people who had been fighting each other by his generosity and fairness. Even the most stubborn of opponents would often melt under his generosity and diplomacy. He also managed through fine diplomacy to balance out the tribal rivalries.[99]

During Mu'awiya's rule he put into practice the advice that Muhammad had given him, "When you rule, do it well."[100] He was scrupulous about justice and was generous and fair to people of all classes. He honoured people who possessed ability and talent and helped them to advance their talents, regardless of their tribe. He displayed great forbearance towards the rashness of ignorant men and great generosity towards the grasping. He made the judgements of the Shari'a binding on everyone with resolution, compassion and diligence. He led them in their prayers and directed them in their gatherings. He led them in their wars. In short, he proved to be a balanced and model ruler. 'Abdullah ibn 'Abbas stated that he did not see a man more suited to rule than Mu'awiya.[101]

It must be said, however, that the rise of Mu'awiyah came partly through his family connections to the Umayyad tribe. During the later part of Uthman bin Affan's rule, Ali advised Uthman to keep a check on Mu'awiyah's growing power saying:

I will tell you that everyone appointed by 'Umar bin al Khattab was kept under close scrutiny by him. If (Umar) heard a single word concerning him he would flog him, then punish him with the utmost severity. But you do not do [that]. You have been weak and easygoing with your relatives.

Uthman replied:

Do you know that Umar kept Mu'awiyah in office throughout his entire caliphate, and I have only done the same." 'Ali answered, "I adjure you by God, do you know that Mu'awiyah was more afraid of Umar than was Umar's own slave Yarfa?" "Yes," said (Uthman). 'Ali went on, "In fact Mu'awiyah makes decisions on issues without [consulting] you, and you know it. Thus, he says to the people. 'This is Uthman's command.' You hear of this, but do not censure him.[102]

The First Umayyad Caliph: Muawiyah Ibn Abu Sufyan

  
Muawiyah was appointed as the Governor of Syria after his brother Yazid ibn Abu Sufyan died.[6] 

During the time of Ali ibn Abi Talib, Muawiyah convinced Talha and Zubayr to revolt against Ali.[7] This led to the Battle of the Camel, the first battle in the First Fitna (the first Islamic civil war). In 657, Muawiya's army attacked the army of Ali at the Battle of Siffin. After the death of Ali in 661, Muawiya's army approached that of Ali's son and successor, Hasan ibn Ali. In order to avoid further bloodshed, Hasan signed a peace treaty with Muawiyah.[8] Muawiyah then assumed power; however, Muawiyah ended up breaking all his requirements set out by the peace treaty.[9]

In power, Muawiyah developed a navy in the Levant and used it to confront the Byzantine Empire in the Aegean Sea and the Sea of Marmara. The caliphate conquered several territories including Cyzicus which were subsequently used as naval bases.[10]

During the time of Muhammad

Muawiyah worked as a scribe for Muhammad. According to al-Baladhuri, Urwa ibn az-Zubayr, relating from his father,

Aisha said "I went to the Prophet, may Allah bless him and grant him peace, who was in a room with Umm Habiba (Muawiyah's sister and Muhammad's wife) on her day. Muawiya knocked on the door and he gave him permission to enter, which he did. He had a pen behind his ear which he had not used.

The Prophet said, 'What is this on your ear?' He said, 'A pen which I have made ready for Allah and His Messenger.' The Prophet said. 'May Allah repay you well on behalf of your Prophet! By Allah, I will only ask you to write down revelation from heaven."[19][20] 

According to Ibn Kathir in his book Al-Bidayah wan-Nihayah, Ibn Abbas said that Abu Sufyan asked Muhammad if he could make his son Muawiyah a scribe which Muhammad granted. Therefore, Muawiyah became his scribe.[18]

According to historians, Muawiyah was one of at least 29 scribes. However, as most of the Qur'an had been revealed prior to Muawiyah's conversion to Islam, there was little for him to write.[21]

Muawiyah during the Rashidun Caliphate

Under Abu Bakr

During the time of Abu Bakr, Muawiyah used to serve under his brother Yazid ibn Abi Sufyan (Yazid ibn Abi Sufyan is not to be confused with Yazid ibn Muawiya who was the caliph during the period in which Husain ibn Ali was martyred at the Battle of Kerbala). Muawiyah was one of the first to be sent into Syria.[22][23][24][25]

Battle of Yarmouk

In May 636, Emperor Heraclius launched a major expedition against the Muslims, but his army was defeated decisively at the Battle of Yarmouk in August 636.[26] In the battle, Muawiyah's brother Yazid ibn Abi Sufyan served under Khalid ibn al-Walid and Abu Ubaydah and was in command of one of the wings and Muawiyah was his second in command. Muawiyah's mother Hind also took part in the battle.[26]

Governor of Syria

In 639, Muawiyah was appointed as the governor of Syria by the second caliph Umar after his brother the previous governor Yazid ibn Abi Sufyan and the governor before him Abu Ubaidah ibn al-Jarrah died in a plague along with 25,000 other people.[27][28] 'Amr ibn al-'As was sent to take on the Byzantine army in Egypt.

With limited resources Muawiyah's marriage to Maysum was politically motivated, as she was the daughter of the chief of the Kalb tribe, that was a large Jacobite Christian Arab tribe in Syria. The Kalb tribe had remained largely neutral when the Muslims first went into Syria.[29]  After the plague that killed much of the Muslim army in Syria, by marrying Maysum, Muawiyah started to use the Jacobite Christians, against the Romans. Muawiya's wife Maysum (Yazid's mother) was also a Jacobite Christian.[30] With limited resources and the Byzantine just over the border, Muawiyah worked in cooperation with the local Christian population.

According to some books[31] the town of Caesarea was taken by Muawiyah in 640, when the last Byzantine Roman garrison in Syria and Palestine surrendered. But according to Al-Imam Al-Waqidi, the author of the oldest history books on Islam it was Muawiyah's friend 'Amr ibn al-'As who expelled the Roman army from Caesarea. 'Amr ibn al-'As who along with Muawiyah's brother Yazid ibn Abi Sufyan who later became the governor of Syria, expelled the Roman armies from many Syrian cities and later 'Amr ibn al-'As also moved into Egypt.[32]

Under Muawiyah's governance the Syrian army became a major military force. He picked out the best leaders from various tribes whereas elsewhere in the state the military units were still based along tribal lines. He personally saw to the comfort and the equipment of the troops, increased their pay and paid them on a regular basis when they were on duty. He kept the troops in training by an annual expedition against the Byzantines and therefore kept the Byzantines in a constant state of unease and therefore kept his northern border safe.[33] He encouraged innovations in military technology. Muawiyah's armies used "Minjenique" machines to propel large stones onto enemy ramparts. He modernized the army, introducing specialized units for desert combat and snowy terrains. New forts were also built.

Muawiya left the Byzantine and Persian administrative structures intact, being sure not to give his largely non-Muslim subjects any incentive to revolt.[34]

The postal system, which was created by Omar ibn al Khattab for military use, was now opened to the public by Muawiya.[35] 

Uthman dismissed 'Amr ibn al-'As from governorship of Egypt so Muawiyah asked him to join him in Syria.

Muawiya was one of the first to realize the full importance of having a navy; as long as the Byzantine fleet could sail the Mediterranean unopposed, the coastline of Syria, Palestine and Egypt would never be safe. Muawiyah along with Abdullah ibn Sa'd the new governor of Egypt successfully persuaded Uthman to give them permission to construct a large fleet in the dockyards of Egypt and Syria.[36][37] 

Therefore, to stop the Byzantine harassment from the sea during the Arab-Byzantine Wars, in 649 Muawiyah set up a navy; manned by Monophysite Christians, Copts and Jacobite Syrian Christian sailors and Muslim troops.[36][37] During his naval expeditions in AH 28 he took Rhodes and later in AH 29 he took Cyprus.[33] He was accompanied by one of his other wives, Katwa, who died in the course of the expedition.

Muawiyah had asked Umar once and Uthman twice for permissions to undertake such naval expeditions.[33][36][37]

The first real naval engagement between the Muslim and the Byzantine navy was the so-called Battle of the Masts (Dhat al-sawari) or Battle of Phoenix off the Lycian coast in 655.[38][39][40][41][42][43]

Under the instructions of the caliph Uthman ibn al-Affan, Muawiyah then prepared for the siege of Constantinople.[37]

As Uthman ibn al-Affan became very old, Marwan I a relative of Muawiyah slipped into the vacuum and became his secretary and slowly assumed more control and relaxed some of the restrictions on the governors.[44]

First Fitna

After Caliph Uthman was assassinated in 656, his successor Ali failed to arrest and punish the perpetrators. Because of this, Mu'awiyah saw Ali as an accomplice and did not want to acknowledge Ali's rule. Their troops confronted each other in the Battle of Siffin in 657, which was finally resolved by negotiations. These negotiations made Ali's claim to the caliphate dubious and some of his supporters broke away into a group known as the Kharijites. The Kharijite rebellion against Ali culminated in his assassination in 661. At the time, Mu'awiyah already controlled Syria and Egypt, and with the largest force in the Muslim realm, he laid the strongest claim on the caliphate.[45]

Muawiyah as Caliph

Muawiyah was crowned as caliph at a ceremony in Jerusalem in 661.[46]

He came to Madina and spoke to the people, saying,

"I desired the way followed by Abu Bakr and 'Umar, but I was unable to follow it, and so I have followed a course with you which contains fortune and benefits for you despite some bias, so be pleased with what comes to you from me even if it is little. When good is continuous, even if it is little, it enriches. Discontent makes life grim."[47]

He also said in an address which he delivered to the people,

"O people! By Allah, it is easier to move the firm mountains than to follow Abu Bakr and 'Umar in their behaviour. But I have followed their way of conduct falling short of those before me, but none after me will equal me in it."[47]

Ali's caliphate lasted for around 4 years. After the treaty with Ali's son Hassan, Muawiyah ruled for nearly 20 years most of which were spent expanding the state.[48]

Military expeditions

After the peace treaty with Hasan, Muawiyah turned his attention back to the Romans. In 674, Umayyad naval and army forces under the command of Muawiyah's son, Yazid ibn Muawiyah,[49] laid siege to the Byzantine capital of Constantinople,[50] but were defeated when the Byzantines introduced Greek fire to the naval battlefield.[51] This siege is even mentioned in the Chinese dynastic histories of the Old Book of Tang and New Book of Tang.[52] They record that the large capital city of Fu lin (拂菻; i.e. the Byzantine Empire) was besieged by the Da shi (大食, i.e. Umayyad Arabs) and their commander "Mo-yi" (Chinese: 摩拽, Pinyin: Móyè), who Friedrich Hirth has identified as Muawiyah I.[52] The Chinese histories then explain that the Arabs forced the Byzantines to pay tribute afterwards as part of a peace settlement.[52]

Further west, the Umayyads were keenly aware of Sicily's strategic importance and Muawiya was the first caliph to begin raiding the island in 670.[34] That same year, the Umayyad general Uqba ibn Nafi founded the garrison town Kairouan in Ifriqiya (modern Tunisia). It was used both as a base for military operations and as an administrative centre for north Africa, replacing Carthage.[34][53] A few years later the Umayyads also crossed over into Spain and southern France under the command of Tariq ibn Ziyad and Musa bin Nusayr.

Leadership style

Welfare state

During the time of Muhammad, the poor were fed in Al-Masjid an-Nabawi in Medina. The revenues of the land in Fadak near Madina were also used for the poor as ṣadaqa, and travelers in need. Later Umarformalized the welfare state Bayt al-mal.[57][58][59] The Bayt al-mal or the welfare state was for the Muslim and non-Muslim poor, needy, elderly, orphans, widows, and the disabled. The Bayt al-mal ran for hundreds of years under the Rashidun caliphate in the 7th century and continued through the Umayyad period and well into the Abbasid era. Umar also introduced child benefit and pensions for the children and the elderly.[60][61][62][63]

Both Ali and Muawiyah continued the welfare state. Ali was extremely caring towards the poor and when he became caliph the revenue from the land of Fadak continued to go towards the poor.

Because of Muawiyah's families previous opposition to the Muslims, before they converted to Islam, there was still some level of resentment towards him. Some of his relatives had been killed in battles fighting against the Muslims. But Muawiyah felt that after his conversion to Islam, for over 20 years, he had been the governor of Syria and expanded the state, confronted the Romans, built up a good administration, a good economy and therefore felt that people should not resent his past.

On one occasion, Mu'awiya ascended the minbar and praised Allah. When he wanted to speak, a lad of the Ansar interrupted him and said,

"Mu'awiya! What makes you and the people of your house more entitled to this wealth than us! We have no wrong action against you that we know of other than our slaying of your uncle Walid, your grandfather 'Uqba, and your brother Hanzala." Mu'awiya said, "By Allah, nephew, you did not kill them. Rather Allah killed them with angels upon angels at the hands of the sons of their father. That was not a fault nor a loss." The Ansari said, "So where is the fault and loss then?"

He said, "You spoke the truth. Do you need something?" He said, "Yes. I look after an old woman and sisters and things have been hard on us." Mu'awiya said, "Take what you can from the treasury." The boy took it and then Mu'awiya resumed his khutba.[64]

Conduct towards non-Muslim subjects

Muawiyah governed the geographically and politically disparate caliphate, which now spread from north Africa in the west to Afghanistan in the east, by strengthening the power of his allies in the newly conquered territories. Prominent positions in the emerging governmental structures were held by Christians, some of whom belonged to families that had served in Byzantine governments. The employment of Christians was part of a broader policy of religious tolerance that was necessitated by the presence of large Christian populations in the conquered provinces, especially in Syria itself. This policy also boosted his popularity and solidified Syria as his power base.[65][66]

Muawiya's wife Maysum (Yazid's mother) was also a Jacobite Christian from the Kalb tribe.[30] His marriage to Maysum was also politically motivated, as she was the daughter of the chief of the Kalb tribe, that was a large Jacobite Christian Arab tribe in Syria. The Kalb tribe had remained largely neutral when the Muslims first went into Syria.[29] After the plague that killed much of the Muslim army in Syria, by marrying Maysum, Muawiyah also used the Jacobite Christians, against the Romans.

Muawiyah is reported to have said:

"I observed the Messenger of Allah perform Wudhoo (ablution) and when he finished, he looked at me and said; 'O Muawiyah! If you get to rule then fear Allah and be just to the people.'

Due to that statement of the Prophet I was convinced that I would one day be held accountable for undertaking the task"[67]

Tom Holland writes [68] Christians, Jews, Samaritans and Manichaeans were all treated well by Muawiyah. Muawiyah even restored Edessa's cathedral after it had been toppled by an earthquake.[69] Savagely though Muawiyah prosecuted his wars against the Romans, yet his subjects, no longer trampled by rival armies, no longer divided by hostile watchtowers, knew only peace at last. Justice flourished in his time, and there was great peace in the regions under his control. He allowed everyone to live as they wanted."[68][70]

Political finesse

In a manner similar to Byzantine administrative practices, Muawiyah instituted several bureaucracies, called divans, to aid him in the governance and the centralization of the caliphate and the empire. Early Arabic sources credit two diwans in particular to Muawiyah: the Diwan al-Khatam (chancellery) and the Barid (postal service), both of which greatly improved communications within the empire.[71][72][73]

Mu'awiya could be seen speaking to the people on the minbar of Damascus wearing a patched garment. Yunus ibn Maysar al-Himyari said, "I saw Mu'awiya riding in the Damascus market wearing a shirt with a patched pocket, going along in the Damascus markets."[74]

Muawiyah was very skilled at dealing with the Romans. Abdullah ibn Zubayr, who could see troubles ahead after the death of Muawiyah and was opposed to the appointment of Yazid, later said of Muawiyah:

"Truly the son of Hind deployed a dexterity and mental resourcefulness as one will never see after him. When we tried to impose something on him, an irritated lion with claws unsheathed would not show more audacity than him. He knew when to give into us, to even allow himself to be tricked when we tried to do that to him. He was the most artful of men, more crafty than a thief. I wished that we would never lose him, just as a rock remaining on this summit" pointing to the mountain of Abu Qubays outside Mekka.[75]

When his friends expressed surprise at the vastness of his gifts to his opponents, he told them "a war costs infinitely more".[76]

Muawiya was welcome to his subjects at every hour of the day, including mealtimes.[35]  Therefore, he knew what people were thinking and saying.

Muawiya and his governors maintained an open table for people to come in and eat. Once an Arab seated at the end of the room did not hesitate to pull to himself a plate which had been placed in front of Muawiya. So Muawiyah said "You plunder very far!" The Arab replied, "After a year of drought, it is necessary to be well placed in order to find pasture!"[35]

The deliberations between Muawiyah and the people took place in the community mosque, where the people were free and unconstrained towards the khalif.[77]

Muawiya did not rely on the old aristocracy but looked for merit and loyalty. Most of his prominent governors were not even Qurayshi let alone Umayyad. He also had the faculty of winning over and retaining people he distrusted like Amr ibn al As.[77] His most important early governor in Kufa was Mughira ibn Shuba. At Tabri recounted: "Al-Mughira liked things to run smoothly; he behaved well with the people and did not ask sectarians about their sect. All he would say was "Allah has decreed that you will continue to disagree and Allah will judge between His creatures concerning that about which they disagree." So people felt safe with him. Until the Kharijites resorted to violence then the Kufas agreed to expel them.[78]

He also paid a lot of attention to the economy and agriculture;[79] this allowed him to finance his expeditions.

According to al-Qasim bin Mukhaimirah, Abu Maryam al-Azdi said that he entered upon Muawiyah who said:

"What blesses us with your presence, O Abu Fulan (Father of so and so a common Arab expression)? " I said: "A hadeeth I heard that I want to tell you. I heard the Messenger of Allah saying: 'Whoever Allah entrusts with authority over the affairs of the Muslims and he neglects the needs and wants of the poor amongst them, Allah will neglect him and his needs and wants."

He added that Muawiyah appointed a man in charge of addressing the people's needs upon hearing the Hadith.[67]

Appointment of Muawiyah's son as next Caliph

One of Muawiyah's most controversial and enduring legacies was his decision to designate his son Yazid as his successor. Yazid was experienced militarily, after taking part in various expeditions and the siege of Constantinople but politically inexperienced. Marwan also wanted Yazid to be the caliph so that he could run things behind the scenes, as he would become the senior member of the Umayyad clan after Muawiyah's death. Mohammad, Abu Bakr and Umar also mistrusted Marwan and he had lived in Taif during their rule, where he became friends with Hajjaj.

Marwan

Tom Holland writes "Tempers in Medina were not helped by the fact that the governor in the oasis was none other than the fabulously venal and slippery Marwan. Rumours abounded that it was he, back in the last calamitous days of Uthman's rule who had double crossed the war band that had come to Uthman. The locals mistrust of their governor ran particularly deep. Nothing he had done had helped to improve his reputation for double dealing.[80]

Ibn Kathir wrote in his book Al-Bidayah wan-Nihayahthat "in the year 56 AH Muawiyah called on the people including those within the outlying territories to pledge allegiance to his son, Yazeed, to be his heir to the Caliphate after him. Almost all the subjects offered their allegiance, with the exception of Abdur Rahman bin Abu Bakr (the son of Abu Bakr), Abdullah ibn Umar (the son of Umar), al-Husain bin Ali (the son of Ali), Abdullah bin Az-Zubair (The grandson of Abu Bakr) and Abdullah ibn Abbas (Ali's cousin). Because of this Muawiyah passed through al-Madinah on his way back from Makkah upon completion of his Umrah Pilgrimage where he summoned each one of the five aforementioned individuals and threatened them. The speaker who addressed Muawiyah sharply with the greatest firmness amongst them was Abdurrahman bin Abu Bakr as-Siddeeq, while Abdullah bin Umar bin al-Khattab was the most soft spoken amongst them.[81]

Abdur Rahman bin Abu Bakr and Abdullah ibn Umar were mid level Muslim commanders at the Battle of Yarmouk that took Syria. Abdur Rahman bin Abu Bakr's sister Asmā' bint Abu Bakr also fought in the Battle of Yarmouk and was opposed to Yazid.[82]

Muawiyah then delivered a sermon, having stood these five men below the pulpit in full view of the people after which the people pledged allegiance to Yazeed as they stood in silence without displaying their disagreement or opposition for fear of being humiliated. Saeed bin Uthman bin Affan, the son of Uthman also criticized Muawiyah for putting forward Yazeed."[81] They tolerated Muawiyah but did not like Yazeed.

The following year Muawiyah removed Marwan bin al Hakam from the position of governor in Madina and appointed al-Waleed bin Utbah bin Abi Sufyan.[83]

Muawiyah warned his son Yazid that Husayn, the younger brother of Hasan ibn Ali, would potentially be a problem for the dynasty. However, according to some sources, Muawiyah advised his son to act towards Husayn "gently".

According to a claim by a sunni source, Muawiyah warned Yazid against mistreating Husayn ibn Ali.[84] His final warning to Yazid was: "As for Husayn what can I tell you concerning him? Be careful not to confront him except in a good way. Extend to him a free hand [literally, a long rope], and let him roam the earth as he pleases. Do not harm him, yet show him the thunder and lightning [of your anger]. Never confront him with the weapons of war but rather bestow on him generous gifts. Give him a place of honor near you and treat him with due reverence. Be careful O my son, that you do not meet God with his blood, lest you be among those that will perish"[85]

With no proper minister, can racial harmony stay on PH's agenda?

With no proper minister, can racial harmony stay on PH's agenda?  

REUTERS

Malaysian youths wave national flags during National Day celebrations. Analysts say Malaysian Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s exclusion of a full minister to overlook racial and religious harmony could stall ongoing efforts to foster national unity.

Published10 JULY, 2018

UPDATED 10 JULY, 2018

KUALA LUMPUR — Malaysian Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s exclusion of a full minister to overlook racial and religious harmony could stall ongoing efforts to foster national unity, say analysts.

The four-party Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition in its election manifesto had proposed to establish a Majlis Perundingan Keharmonian Rakyat (Consultative Council for People’s Harmony), which had raised hopes that the new administration would revive the campaign to foster genuine integration after decades under Barisan Nasional (BN) left the nation divided along communal lines.

It is stated that the Council would, among other things, “research and suggest policies and programmes that will enhance unity and integration and eliminate discrimination from our culture.”

But observers have been left baffled after Dr Mahathir designated the national unity and social wellbeing portfolio to a mere deputy minister instead of a full minister, which they said have made some question if his government was taking national reconciliation seriously.

“National unity is most critical especially inter-religious and ethnic harmony, including integration with Sabah and Sarawak,” said Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia's (UKM) Dr Denison Jayasooria.

“Not announcing a minister is not too good. There must be a strong one at the centre...  there is a definite need for minister. Now only a deputy? Who does he report too?”

Dr Mahathir unveiled his remaining full Cabinet lineup last Monday (July 2), naming Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia’s Md Rafid Md Rafik as Deputy Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department in charge of national unity and social wellbeing.

Amanah’s Mujahid Yusof Rawa was named Minister in the Prime Minister Department in charge of religious affairs, but it is unclear if his scope of job would include matters related to racial unity or integration with Sabah and Sarawak, as noted by Dr Jayasooria.

Some also believe the lack of clarity around Mr Mujahid’s designation could limit the interpretation of his job scope to just Islamic affairs, although the Amanah vice-president did say in an interview with Malay Mail last week that he aims to use his position to push for inter-faith dialogue.

Sarawak-based political analyst Associate Professor Faisal Hazis said PH’s failure to name a full minister to oversee integration may frustrate some segments in East Malaysia, where anti-peninsula sentiment has grown strong in recent years.

UNITY A STILLBORN

But the Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia lecturer also believes the new administration could salvage the shortcoming and turn it around to its advantage if Mr Mujahid’s job scope goes beyond Islamic affairs and if the minister puts national reconciliation high on his agenda.

Mr Mujahid already has a sterling track record on interfaith initiatives, Assoc Prof Faisal noted further.

“We thought that this government is building a new Malaysia and if you want to do so, need to look at all religion and not only focusing on Islam. But having said that, Mujahid is a good inclusion because he is very inclusive and has been actively involved in inter-religious dialogue,” Assoc Prof Faisal told Malay Mail.

“I thought he could have been made in charge of religious affairs and unity...but let’s give this government room to prove itself and hopefully the portfolio is not only tasked to look at Islamic affairs alone, it could be seen in relation to other religion as well.”

Regardless, critics say they have valid reasons to worry or doubt PH’s seriousness about national integration.

The forerunner of PH, the four-party Opposition coalition called Barisan Alternatif, had proposed a similar entity on April 2, 2001 called Majlis Perundingan Perpaduan Nasional (National Unity Consultative Council or MPPN), public intellectual Dr Chandra Muzaffar noted in a letter penned on the subject and published by the press just last month.

Yet the MPPN, which would have formulated ideas on unity and was envisaged as an independent body that would be directly answerable to Parliament, was a stillborn.

Dr Chandra also noted that two of the four parties that endorsed the MPPN are now part of PH. Yet three out of the four parties from the coalition appeal to ethnic constituencies, downplayed ethnic issues during the election campaign, and instead highlighted the alleged kleptocracy of then Prime Minister Najib Razak, especially in relation to the 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) scandal.

“Exposing elite corruption and espousing integrity are political postures which have a huge impact upon the electorate regardless of ethnicity and religion,” Dr Chandra, also among detractors critical about the absence of a unity minister, said in the letter.

“But good governance alone is not enough to create a harmonious society. Issues of identity are at the core of most multi-ethnic and multi-religious societies. Malaysian identity, for instance, can be a divisive issue.”

CONSERVATIVE BACKLASH

But others have argued that Dr Mahathir may have had political considerations to make, and that putting less emphasis on religious or racial reconciliation — which would entail addressing thorny issues like dismantling Bumiputera privileges — could allay fear among conservative Malays that the new government is abandoning their interests.

Only a third of the country’s ethnic majority, the Malays, voted for PH in the 14th general election, with the rest going to conservative pro-Bumiputera and pro-Islam parties United Malays National Organisation (Umno) and Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS).

“This government is grappling with reform with the old system but they also have to balance the fear of the conservative Malay voters as well,” Assoc Prof Faisal said.

“Like what we see in the last general elections, only a third of them voted for PH and majority did not vote for the coalition and if they want to think of serious reform, they need to look beyond one term...so they need to assure and convince the Malays despite their push for reform, it is not at the expense of Malay rights and interests.” MALAY MAIL

Rafizi Ramli

Political career

He was elected to Parliament in the 2013 election. PKR selected him to contest the seat of Pandan, the incumbent holder of which was Ong Tee Keat of the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) in the governing Barisan Nasional coalition and the then, Minister of Transport. MCA dropped Ong; the popular but controversial ousted party president as a candidate for the election. This decision was exploited by Rafizi, who repeatedly praised Ong on the campaign trail.[5] Rafizi enjoyed an enormous swing towards PKR to be elected by a margin of 26,729 votes, more than doubling the number received by the MCA candidate.[6] Prior to this, he was the strategy director for his party.

Kajang Move

Rafizi is a close ally of the PKR's parliamentary leader Anwar Ibrahim.[7] In 2014, Rafizi engineered the failed Kajang Move, which sought to oust Khalid Ibrahim, a PKR member, as Chief Minister of Selangor and install Anwar as his replacement. The move encountered a number of obstacles; it ultimately succeeded in forcing Khalid's resignation, but Azmin Ali, PKR's deputy president, replaced him instead.[8]

In October 2014, after the Kajang Move reached its conclusion, Rafizi was appointed as secretary-general of PKR, replacing Saifuddin Nasution Ismail as the leading administrative officer of the party.[9] Rafizi's appointment came two months after his election as one of the party's four vice-presidents.[10] The party's constitution permitted him to hold both his appointed and elected positions.[11]

Opposition

Rafizi Ramli has been a staunch critic of the Barisan Nasional led government. He has revealed many leakages in the government, including corruption and mismanagement. Among his infamous revelation for Barisan Nasional was the National Feedlot Corporation scandal which involved the Women, Family and Community Development minister, Shahrizat Abdul Jalil. Shahrizat and her family were accused of misusing RM250 million in public funds meant for a state cattle ranch in Gemas, Negeri Sembilan.[12] She's, however, were cleared out from this case by Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC).[13] He has also revealed malpractices and wastages in the government which includes awarding of over-priced closed tender projects and purchasing of overpriced assets. Pakatan Rakyat state government officials also have their part with the revelation of 14th Menteri Besar of Selangor, Tan Sri Abdul Khalid Ibrahim out of court settlement with Bank Islam over the RM66.67mil Kumpulan Guthrie Bhd shares when Khalid was the group’s chief executive officer. His revelation, which liquified Khalid Ibrahim's integrity were a part which culminated the Kajang Move.[14]

Rafizi Ramli is an advocate for lower petrol prices. He criticised the government's move in 2014 to end petrol subsidies, arguing that it would benefit oil companies and petrol station owners but not the Malaysian people. He had prominently threaten to lead a street protest on 2015 New Year's Eve if the government did not lower the oil prices, following the fall of oil prices worldwide .[15][16][17][18][19] He had also advocated for changes to the way petrol prices are fixed by the government, to protect petrol station owners from the deleterious impacts of fluctuating prices.[20][21][20]  His action for defending petrol station owners have attracted criticism from netizens and Utusan Malaysia for abandoning people's interest.[22][23][24]

Controversy

Law Suit

He was charged for exposing confidential Public Bank's customer document in his pursuit of exposing the NFC scandal. Rafizi was charged in August 2012 under Banking and Financial Institutions Act (Bafia) 1989 for revealing four Public Bank customer-profile documents on the balance summaries of the NFC, National Meat and Livestock Sdn Bhd, Agroscience Industries Sdn Bhd and NFC chairman, Datuk Seri Mohamad Salleh Ismail.[25][26]

He allegedly disclosed the documents to media consultant Yusuf Abdul Alim and to The Star reporter Erle Martin Carvalho, at the PKR headquarters in Petaling Jaya on March 7, 2012. Bank clerk Johari Mohamad, 44, is also accused of conspiring with Rafizi.[27][28] His effort to strike out the charges were rejected by High Court on 23 November 2012, by Appeals Court on 23 May 2013 and finally, by Federal Court on 6 April 2015.[29] His trial will begin 27 April 2015.[30][31]

In August 2017, a Malaysian High Court in Kuala Lumpur upheld an 18-month jail sentence against him for having page 98 of the 1Malaysia Development Bhd (1MDB) audit report without approval, in violation of the Official Secrets Act 1972.[32]